Материал: The Routledge Companion to the Study of Religion by John Hinnells

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——Â1989. Religion and Advanced Industrial Society. London: Unwin Hyman.

Beckford, James and Sophie Gilliat. 2005. Religion in Prison: ‘Equal Rites’ in a Multi-Faith Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Bellah, Robert N. 1957. Tokugawa Religion. New York: Free Press. ——Â1970. Beyond Belief. New York: Harper & Row.

——Â1975. The Broken Covenant. New York: Seabury Press.

——ÂRichard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler and Steven M. Tipton. 1985. Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Berger, Peter. 1967. The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.

Beyer, Peter. 2006. Religion in Global Society. New York: Routledge.

Bruce, Steve. 1992. The Red Hand: Protestant Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.

——Â1994. The Edge of the Union: The Ulster Loyalist Political Vision. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ——Â1999. Choice and Religion: A Critique of Rational Choice Theory. Oxford and New York: Oxford

University Press.

Casanova, José. 1994. Public Religions in the Modern World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Chaves, Mark. 1993. ‘Intraorganizational Power and Internal Secularization in Protestant

Denominations.’ American Journal of Sociology 99(1): 1–48.

——Â1995. ‘On the Rational Choice Approach to Religion.’ Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 34(1): 98–104.

——Â 1997. Ordaining Women: Culture and Conflict in Religious Organizations. London: Harvard University Press.

Chong, Kelly H. 2008. Deliverance and Submission: Evangelical Women and the Negotiation of Patriarchy in South Korea. Boston: Harvard University Press.

Comaroff, Jean and John Comaroff. 1991. Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness in South Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Comaroff, John and Jean Comaroff. 1995. Of Revelation and Revolution: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Davidman, Lynn. 1991. Tradition in a Rootless World. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Davie, Grace. 1994. Religion in Britain since 1945. Oxford: Blackwell. —— 2000. Religion in Modern Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Finke, Roger and Rodney Stark. 1992. The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Gallagher, Sally. 2003. Evangelical Identity and Gendered Family Life. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Griffith, R. M. 1997. God’s Daughters: Evangelical Women and the Power of Submission. Berkeley and London: University of California Press.

Hall, John R. 2000. Apocalypse Observed. London and New York: Routledge.

Hervieu-Léger, Danièle. 2000. Religion as a Chain of Memory. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

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Suggested reading

Beckford, James A. 1989. Religion and Advanced Industrial Society. London: Unwin Hyman.

In this book, Beckford argues that the significance of religion in advanced industrial society is conditioned by secularization and religion’s marginality. Among religion’s most distinctive features in the contemporary West are its status as a site of contest and controversy, its capacity to express people’s perceptions of new social realities symbolically, and its potential as a tool of mobilization against political establishments.

Beyer, Peter. 2006. Religion in Global Society. New York: Routledge.

Beyer elaborates a theory of religion and globalization. In describing religion in globalizing world as a functional system of communication existing along other systems, such as law, politics, and science, Beyer accounts for the multitude of practices and worldviews and the frequent ambiguity and conflict that comprise contemporary religion.

Casanova, José. 1994. Public Religions in the Modern World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Casanova’s project is to theoretically account for both secularization and the resurgence of religion in modernity. He argues that although some aspects of secularization are a structural consequence of modernity, religious decline and privatization are historically contingent processes. Religion, therefore, can be deprivatized; Casanova explores this re-emergence of religion in the public sphere in cases including the liberation theology movement in Brazil and Catholicism in Poland during the rise of Solidarity.

164â Key approaches to the study of religions

Hervieu-Léger, Danièle. 2000. Religion as a Chain of Memory. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Hervieu-Leger argues that although religion has declined in modernity because of science and the importance of personal autonomy, questions of meaning and desires for the experience of the sacred are common in modern societies. She theorizes religion in modern life as a way of believing whose appeal to authority is grounded in a tradition through a ‘chain of memory.’

Martin, David. 1978. A General Theory of Secularization. Oxford: Blackwell.

Martin presents a comparative-historical and institutional theory of secularization, locating the occurrence of secularization at three levels of analysis: at the social institutional level, at the level of religious belief, and in a people’s ethos. Through a comparative analysis of nations, Martin shows how secularization is conditioned by the character of religious institutions and their relation to the state.

Riesebrodt, Martin. 2008. ‘Theses on a Theory of Religion.’ International Political Anthropology 1 (no.1): 25–41.

In this short version of his book Cultus und Heilsversprechen (2007), Martin Riesebrodt proposes an interpretative theory of religion which focuses on religious practices and their meanings as institutionalized in ‘liturgies.’ He also argues that the concept of secularization needs to be disaggregated and analyzed in terms of three relatively independent and contradictory processes of institutional differentiation (and de-differentiation), disenchantment (and re-enchantment), and privatization (and de-privatization) of religion.

Stark, Rodney and William Sims Bainbridge. 1979. A Theory of Religion. New York: P. Lang.

Stark and Bainbridge present a deductive theory of religion constructed on rational choice principles, beginning with the utilitarian assumption that people’s actions can be understood as choices made by weighing their options in terms of costs and benefits. Religion in this theory is presented as a system of ‘compensators’ for benefits that, for social or other reasons, are unattainable to individuals.

Chapter 10

Anthropology of religion

Rosalind I. J. Hackett

The (sub-)field of enquiry known as anthropology of religion has been enjoying some long overdue renewal and recognition over the last decade or so, with the development of new texts and research areas, and new communities of scholars.1 This renewal of interest is related in part to the growing salience of religion on the world stage, not least as a marker of identity and source of conflict at the local, translocal, and transnational levels. This in turn has generated a greater need for those with specialized knowledge of religious actors and formations in diverse and changing contexts.

The scholarship of today, whether conducted by anthropologists who specialize in religion (e.g. Glazier 1999; Lambek 1993; Coleman 2000), or scholars of religion who employ anthropological theory and method (e.g. Brown 1991; Johnson 2002b; Geertz 2003), has come a long way from those early landmark texts of E. E. Evans-Pritchard on Witchcraft, Magic and Oracles among the Azande (1937) and Nuer Religion (1974 [1956]), and Émile Durkheim’s The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912). The new look anthropology of religion can be traced to three general factors: first, the changing nature and location of the subject matter (e.g. movement of peoples, influence of mass-mediated religion, and market forces); second, greater inter -disciplinarity among academic disciplines; and third, the critical insights derived from post-colonialism, post-structuralism, and postmodernism.2 In particular, the once discernible distinction between ethnography (empirical research on particular cultures/peoples/regions conducted through fieldwork and participant observation), and more generalized, theoretical reflection (anthropology or ethnology), is now blurred. Some would attribute this merging of the empirical, and cross-cultural, comparative approaches to the work of Clifford Geertz whose body of writings has been influential far beyond the bounds of traditional anthropology.

As a way of offsetting the current difficulties of delineating academic boundaries due to the shared body of social and cultural theory, and the growing diversification of ‘topics’ or ‘sub-fields,’ Henrietta Moore argues that it is to the history of a discipline that we should look for its defining characteristics, rather than specific objects of inquiry (1999: 2). Similarly, many scholars consider that it is now more appropriate to treat ‘religion,’ ‘politics,’ and ‘economics’ as pervasive rather than bounded categories (see, e.g. Herzfeld 2001: xi). Thus, it will behove us to trace briefly some of the roads traveled by anthropologists since the nineteenth century, in their quest to identify and interpret religious ideas, symbols, and practice. This will provide the backdrop needed to consider some of the more promising current and future developments in anthropological approaches to religion. A comprehensive, representative synthesis of the ‘master narratives,’ (Moore 1999: 10) as